Tuesday, June 12, 2012

The trouble with 'Groupthink' in school reform

The Washington Post's Valerie Straus shared a great piece recently written by Anthony Cody, a veteran teacher who worked for 24 years in Oakland schools. A version of this ran in his Education Week Teacher blog, Living in Dialogue. Considering the push-back to high stakes, standardized testing that began in Texas and has sparked similar movements across the nation from Florida to Washington state, Anthony's insights are especially timely.

As of today, 539 Texas school districts representing more than 3.2 million students have signed the Resolution Concerning High Stakes, Standardized Testing. In Florida, 20 percent of school boards have signed a similar resolution and more have it on their agendas.

Here's Anthony's column, as published on Straus' blog, The Answer Sheet, in its entirety to save you an extra click of the mouse:


By Anthony Cody
A disturbing thought came to mind as I was looking at the latest report from the National Council on Teacher Quality, which criticizes schools of education for failing to jump on the “obsessed with data” bandwagon. You can just feel the irritation in the words of NCTQ president Kate Walsh when she says:
A lot of schools of education continue to become quite oppositional to the notion of standardized tests, even though they have very much become a reality in K-12 schools. The ideological resistance is critical
This reminds me of a phenomenon called “Groupthink.” What we are experiencing in education is actually a virulent and coercive strain of Groupthink, and it is harming our students.
The value of test data has been inflated way beyond its true worth, in a manner similar to real estate prices during the bubble of the past decade. Once this bubble is launched, many people begin to depend on it for their livelihoods.
There’s been a flood of tax-exempt corporate money for advocacy, think tank “research,” and lobbying to direct public education policy into a “public-private partnership” under corporate — not public — control. This has in turn produced a network of consultants, paid strategists, leveraged public administrators and legislators, media pundits, and academic grantees. They now owe their positions and their livelihoods to an insular and self-affirming pattern of Groupthink.
First, let’s take a look at how Groupthink is defined. The Psychologists for Social Responsibility offer this description, drawing on the work of Irving Janis:
Janis has documented eight symptoms of Groupthink:
1. Illusion of invulnerability — Creates excessive optimism that encourages taking extreme risks.
2. Collective rationalization — Members discount warnings and do not reconsider their assumptions.
3. Belief in inherent morality — Members believe in the rightness of their cause and therefore ignore the ethical or moral consequences of their decisions.
4. Stereotyped views of out-groups — Negative views of “enemy” make effective responses to conflict seem unnecessary.
5. Direct pressure on dissenters — Members are under pressure not to express arguments against any of the group’s views.
6. Self-censorship — Doubts and deviations from the perceived group consensus are not expressed.
7. Illusion of unanimity — The majority view and judgments are assumed to be unanimous.
8. Self-appointed ‘mindguards’ — Members protect the group and the leader from information that is problematic or contradictory to the group’s cohesiveness, view, and/or decisions.
For the past decade, educators have been under intense pressure to join the “Groupthink” ideas of No Child Left Behind and the whole standards/accountability movement.
Let’s look at this list of traits and see how they fit today’s education “reform” movement.
1. Illusion of invulnerability — Creates excessive optimism that encourages taking extreme risks.
Remember how No Child Left Behind was launched? We had the “Texas Miracle,” the high school dropout rates of zero reported by George W. Bush, which evaporated when it was revealed that the glowing stats were simply the result of administrative maneuvers and falsified data. And the whole NCLB project projected that schools must reach 100% proficiency by 2014.
Promoters of charter schools have been claiming for years to have “figured out” how to overcome the effects of poverty. Only now that we are several years into the experiment we hear that we must “calibrate our expectations” as they fail to deliver. We hear similar confident claims for the new tests being designed to align with the Common Core State standards, exams thatwill somehow magically wipe away the damaging effects of the previous ones.. Not to mention the wonders of the Khan Academy and other computer-based delivery systems, which will allow us to simultaneously increase class sizes and “personalize” learning.
2. Collective rationalization — Members discount warnings and do not reconsider their assumptions.
We have had report after report documenting the failures of NCLB and high-stakes tests. Not a single experiment in pay for high test scores has worked. Every time it fails a reason is found that allows the idea to survive.
3. Belief in inherent morality — Members believe in the rightness of their cause and therefore ignore the ethical or moral consequences of their decisions.
What is the mantra of the phony reform movement — now repeated by Mitt Romney? “Education is the civil rights issue of our time.” As if discrimination, housing, poverty and voting rights no longer trouble us! Our schools are now even more racially and economically segregated than any time since the 1960s, and this is given not a thought by these crusaders.
Neighborhood schools are closed, entire staffs are fired, and dedicated teachers are subjected to humiliation by the press, all justified by this moral crusade for the children.
4. Stereotyped views of out-groups — Negative views of “enemy” make effective responses to conflict seem unnecessary.
Public education is defined as the “status quo,” and anyone who defends it is defending a failed, moribund system. There have been some interesting windows into the thinking of education “reformers.” A recent report on what members call the “Fight Club” reveals national coordination among various “Education Reform Advocacy Organizations,” such as Stand For Children, the Education Trust, and Michelle Rhee’s StudentsFirst. They see as their enemy “the collection of teachers unions and other school employee associations derisively called the ‘blob’....” The unions are the chief villains in this morality play, acting to defend “bad teachers,” who morph into child molesters who cannot be fired, or simply lazy individuals responsible for the economic decline of America.
5. Direct pressure on dissenters — Members are under pressure not to express arguments against any of the group’s views.
This is most damaging within public schools, when teacher evaluations are increasingly based on whether the teacher succeeds at embracing data-driven practices mandated from above. Administrators’ careers advance or not, depending on their willingness to distort and juggle data to support disastrous assessment-driven classroom practices.
In the public arena, education historian Diane Ravitch is an archetypal heretic, who was attacked when she left the conservative “reform” fold. Columnist Jonathan Alter called her the “Whittaker Chambers of school reform.” Secretary of Education Arne Duncan said she was “in denial and she is insulting all of the hardworking teachers, principals and students all across the country who are proving her wrong every day.”
The current effort by NCTQ to silence criticism of standardized testing from schools of education is a frightening expansion of this campaign. When NCTQ’s ratings of these schools are released, it will not be surprising to see schools of education that actively question the obsession over test score data receive low scores, and preparation programs affiliated with alternative certification, such as Teach For America, receive high scores, because of their devotion to “data-driven” instruction. And we will hear Secretary Duncan launch a program that removes funding from programs that produce graduates with lower test scores, as he has already indicated is planned. This is ideological and fiscal coercion, tying funding to data to punish those who deviate from the correct thinking.
6. Self-censorship — Doubts and deviations from the perceived group consensus are not expressed.
Within schools, there is pressure to join in the obsession over data, and this has intensified with recent “reforms” that require test scores to be used as a significant part of teacher and principal evaluations. Teachers who may have been willing to voice dissent in public in the past are now in fear of poor evaluations and possible termination. If one expresses a lack of faith in the latest curriculum or testing package, one might be accused of poor implementation, or worst of all, of the cardinal sin -- “not believing all students can learn.”
A Teach for America corps member named James offered this advice in response to a post by Teach for America critic Gary Rubinstein: “Corps members who choose to question TFA-doxy, ... should be prepared for an escalating series — in length — of ‘mindset chats.’”
I have not been privy to such a conversation, but clearly there is some heavy pressure at work to keep the corps members thinking a certain way.
7. Illusion of unanimity — The majority view and judgments are assumed to be unanimous.
Take a look at the 2010 multimedia extravaganza that accompanied the release of “Waiting For Superman.” For Education Nation, the news division of NBC prepared a week-long parade of education “reform” superstars like education activist Michelle Rhee, Bill Gates, New York City Mayor Michael Bloomberg and Newark Mayor Cory Booker. There was a driving narrative that was almost unquestioned, with the exception of a hastily arranged “Teacher Townhall.” This was the projection of a consensus where none exists. Anyone who disagreed with the main storyline was marginalized. Similarly propagandistic programming was aired on Oprah that week.
8. Self-appointed ‘mindguards’ — Members protect the group and the leader from information that is problematic or contradictory to the group’s cohesiveness, view, and/or decisions.
When President Obama accidentally spoke the truth a little more than a year ago, and described how he felt we were overemphasizing test scores, and “using them to punish schools and students,” the mindguards at the Department of Education leapt to the breach. They insisted that “The President and Secretary Duncan are on the same page,” though clearly the president’s remarks were far different from his minion’s policies. And when President Obama assembled a roundtable of advisers on education, not a single actual educator was present.
But in a bigger way, all of the organizations now being funded by the Gates, Broad and kindred foundations are functioning as mindguards for the American public. We have Astroturf groups ready to bring teachers to testify against their own due process protections, and groups like StudentsFirst willing to pour millions of dollars into lobbying policy makers to ensure they get the message about where their votes should go.
The Gates Foundation now funds the Media Bullpen, which has as its slogan, “Bringing accountability to the media.”
The Bullpen reporters — the umpires — react and respond in real time to the press as it rolls out its coverage in print, online or broadcast, at the local, state or national levels. They score the coverage using the metaphors of that favorite American pastime, baseball. Articles are given strike outs, pop flies, singles, doubles, triples, and home runs, reflecting a particular story’s objectivity, proper context, its exploration of data, and search for accuracy.
While they claim to be “diverse” in their ideology, a review of the Bullpen’s ratings reveals a strong bias in favor of standard education “reform” ideology. But like NCTQ, and Bill Gates himself, they attempt to position themselves above the fray, as umpires who set the rules of the game and determine who is in and out of bounds. They pretend to be beyond any particular ideology. “We are technocrats,” Bill Gates recently said.
But technocracy, and the set of solutions Gates and his experts have arrived at are deeply ideological, rooted in the mindset of the market, using test scores as the driving force in their quest to transform teaching. With the vast wealth of some of the world’s most well-endowed foundations, they are purchasing the space where dialogue regarding education occurs.
The trouble with Groupthink, as Janis points out, is that it can be disastrously wrong. Once we get swept up into this momentum, and more and more of our values and livelihoods hinge on this set of beliefs, it becomes harder and harder to break away. And with this particular set of ideas, we are, as a nation, building a huge technological infrastructure of curriculum, instructional tools, assessments and data systems, based on this absolute diehard belief that test performance will drive learning to new heights. Those of us who have voiced skepticism are called Luddites or worse.
What eventually happens in cases like this is that the systems collapse, because reality will not support the endless optimism of the believers. The bubble always bursts, sooner or later. The NCLB testing bubble should have burst several years ago, and probably would have done so had not the billionaire technocrats intervened with the Common Core testing bailout. Now it looks like we are in for a few more years of glorious predictions of the wonderful equitable outcomes the latest and greatest testing technology will deliver, until it doesn’t. But in the meantime, our public schools continue to be undermined, and resources continue to be diverted away from classrooms and into the testing/data infrastructure.
The sooner this Groupthink bubble bursts, the better off we will be. In our classrooms, we must do our best to give our students meaningful opportunities to learn, in spite of the intense pressure to raise test scores. In the public arena, we can help burst the bubble by focusing on the big-picture data that shows that in spite of a decade of obsessing over data, there is no evidence that better learning results. We can help burst the bubble by calling out the self-appointed umpires like NCTQ, the Media Bullpen, and dozens of other test-obsessed advocacy groups that are attempting to overwhelm critical discussion of these issues. And we can support efforts to give voice to other points of view, through organizations that allow parents, teachers and students to raise their voices, without the filtering effect of foundation funding.

Wednesday, May 16, 2012

Combs pens op-ed defending education cuts


A recent opinion piece in the San Antonio Express-News by State Comptroller Susan Combs aimed to set the record straight when it comes to the admittedly complex topic of school finance and what happened in last year’s legislative sessions.

“Partisan political rhetoric can always muddy the waters further,” Combs, who maintains that Texas will spend more on public education in 2012-13 than in the previous biennium, wrote. “One person’s ‘reduction in the rate of growth’ is always another’s ‘savage cut.’”

How can a reduction in the rate of growth be termed anything but a cut, when Texas public schools add about 80,000 children to its rolls each year? Those children are entitled to the same education as the ones who came before them. And those children increasingly fall into categories considered at-risk, which makes them more expensive to educate. By law, they’re entitled to services and programs that school districts must provide, and those services and programs cost money.

The op-ed goes on to explain the situation this way: "Texas will spend more state funds for public education in fiscal 2012 and 2013 than in the previous biennium. This will be offset, however, by the loss of federal stimulus funding, which is winding down across the nation."
What the piece leaves out is that when the Legislature in 2009 learned of the impending $3 billion windfall of stimulus funding from the federal government, they promptly cut state public education funding by that same amount, then replaced it with the stimulus funding – which they knew was not permanent. 

Combs also emphasized that spending on public education has risen more than three times as fast as enrollment over the past decade. Here are the facts, according to research by Moak, Casey & Associates, and explanation as to where that money is going.

Between 1997-98 and 2007-08, operating funds increased by 59 percent per student. Some of this increase is attributable to increases in federal funds associated with things like IDEA, Title I and the free breakfast and lunch programs. General fund operating expenditures have grown by 54 percent during this time (unadjusted for inflation). Much of this growth was due to legislative decisions to invest in particular areas, like improving teacher wages. For example:

  • In 1999, the legislature passed a required teacher pay increase of $3,000 per teacher. It also put the pre-kindergarten grants in place and a 9
  • th grade initiative aimed at improving graduation rates; In 2001, the legislature passed new requirements for school districts to offer health care benefits, including a $1,000 pay supplement for school staff that could be used for the purchase of health insurance.
  • In 2003, the legislature passed a $110 per WADA supplement to school districts that could be used for any necessary educational expenses. In 2005, the legislature bought down property tax rates and established the target revenue system. At the same time, it required a $2,500 teacher salary increase and provided for a new high school allotment that was to be used to improve graduation rates and prepare students for a college readiness curriculum,
  • In 2007, the legislature provided $23.63 per student to be used for staff salaries and provide for a substantial number of new grant programs aimed at improving high school effectiveness; and In 2009, the legislature passed a required pay increase of $800 or half of any new dollars associated with formula changes designed to improve equity.
  • In all of these years, the legislature provided equalized funding for tax rate increases.

In addition, school districts have been busy responding to a changed student-population as well as changed educational expectations. The percentage of students who are from low-income families has increased from 48.5 percent in 1997-98 to 56.7 percent in 2008-09. However, this has not kept Texas from increasing academic expectations. Districts have worked hard to implement additional requirements for mathematics education, train teachers to instruct to higher-level college readiness standards, and provide student support as more challenging assessments are administered.
School district leaders – as well as educators at every level and parents and community members who support public schools – need to be armed with the facts to combat the spin regarding education funding. TASA staff is available to help with research, facts and talking points so if the issue comes up in your community, don’t hesitate to call.

Monday, May 7, 2012

College Station superintendent sets the record straight on school district debt

Just because something is in the public record as testimony at a legislative hearing doesn't make it true.


College Station ISD Superintendent Eddie Coulson listened last week to an interim meeting of the Texas House Ways and Means committee where Peggy Venable, Texas Director for Americans for Prosperity, warned lawmakers that school district debt for capital projects is a "sleeping giant" and insinuated that the debt would be a huge burden for the next generation of Texans.


Coulson took on the charge in his blog, making several excellent points, including:
  • The school district debt Ms. Venable referenced has all been approved by the voters in the respective communities;
  • There is a debt service tax cap already in place for Texas school districts; and
  • The state of Texas is not on the hook for one penny of the debt.  
From Coulson's blog:

Ms. Venable is turning a local issue into a state political issue.  In every community, local voters determine if the capital projects identified by school districts are appropriate for the district.  Often times, Political Action Committees comprised of local residents form to support or to work against such bond elections.  In the end, voters get to decide.  To suggest that voters are not capable of determining their own needs is absolutely ridiculous, especially for a group called AMERICANS for Prosperity.

With spin and misinformation at every turn, it's imperative for school district leaders to find ways to set the record straight and defend public education, like Coulson does in his blog.

Read the entire post here.

Thursday, May 3, 2012

Houston Chronicle column on resolution outlines testing frustration

The Houston Chronicle's Patricia Kilday Hart wrote a column this week that got to the heart of frustration felt by educators, students and parents alike when it comes to the over emphasis on standardized tests in Texas.


"Monday night, the Spring Branch School Board added its voice to some 420 other test-weary school districts in Texas who have cried out, "Enough!" Enough already with the No. 2 pencils, the drills and the top-secret security measures. Enough nervous ninth graders with pre-test nightmares. Enough teaching to the test, and only the test," the column begins.


Hart describes a national revolution going on in response to testing fatigue. The column is worth the read.

Thursday, April 26, 2012

Eissler and Hochberg on the hot seat at Texas Tribune Live Event


Texas Tribune editor Evan Smith interviewed state Rep. Rob Eissler, R-The Woodlands, and Rep. Scott Hochberg, D-Houston, who are chair and vice chair of the House Public Education Committee in a Texas Tribune Live Event Thursday morning. 

About 100 people, mostly education advocates, lobbyists and elected officials showed up at the Austin Club to listen to the discussion. You can watch an excerpt of the interview, which focuses on testing, here.

Smith began the conversation with a test question in honor of the STAAR, which students across the state are taking this week. He asked the lawmakers, in multiple-choice form, how much did they cut from public education, if anything, last session. It was a tongue-in-cheek approach to get at the ongoing argument among lawmakers and policy wonks on both sides of the issue. While lawmakers undoubtedly cut $4 billion from the Foundation School Program and another $1.4 billion in education grant funding, some have tried to skew the statistics to say education funding remained the same or, some say, even increased.

Both legislators agreed that schools suffered cuts, though Eissler said that looking biennium-to-biennium, funding was about flat. He did concede, taking into account important factors like enrollment growth and the loss of stimulus funding that "the overall effect was a reduction." Hochberg was more blunt, saying "the bottom line" was that public education was cut by more than $5 billion.

When asked if they'd like a "do over" on the 2011 legislative session so they could put more one into public education, Eissler replied: "I don't know where we would've gotten the money."

Neither legislator (Hochberg doesn't plan to run for reelection) offered any optimism for a rosier revenue picture in 2013.

Eissler spent some time talking about efficiency and the fact that better performance isn't necessarily tied to more money. He said he'd like to see districts subject to fewer mandates and allowed more flexibility and also eluded to Senate Bill 1557 - the bill championed by TASA that will create the Texas High Performance Schools Consortium - as an example of innovation that could lead to promising change.

Hochberg spent much of his time talking about the inequities of the current funding system, how districts that spend more money per student consistently perform among the best on the state's accountability system. He said lawmakers are unwilling to change the system because they don't want to take too much away from districts at the top of the funding spectrum, but can't afford to bring the bottom districts up to that level, so the gap remains.

Smith brought up the push back to standardized testing and asked Eissler to defend the STAAR.

"Testing tells us where we are," Eissler said. "Whether our schools are delivering instruction, the diffusion of knowledge we set out to do…It's very important."

He said the STARR is supposed to be an improvement over TAKS, in that it is a ramp to college readiness that measures where a student is in grade levels along the way. The TAKS, on the other hand, often covered material students may have learned several years before.

When asked about the implementation of STAAR, Hochberg was critical. He recalled a hearing where he, Eissler and Senate Education Chairwoman Florence Shapiro heard from Texas Education Agency staff about STAAR implementation:

"There were three blank stares from us saying, ' Huh? That's not what we thought we were getting,'" Hochberg said.

Wednesday, April 25, 2012

Florida district adopts testing resolution


The Palm Beach County School Board in Florida became the latest group outside of Texas to pass a resolution similar to the Resolution Concerning High Stakes, Standardized Testing of Texas Public School Students.

School board members for Palm Beach, the 11th largest school district in the nation, say they're not advocating for the removal of standardized tests but, like many Texas school leaders, believe the over-reliance on standardized testing is counter productive.

"As a board and a district, we need to mitigate the damage of this obsession with high-stakes testing," board member Karen Brill said in the South Florida Sun-Sentinel. "We need to create well-rounded students; we need to nurture creativity; we need to find balance so that our teachers have the freedom to exercise their talents and bring out the best in our students."
As of Wednesday, 408 Texas school districts representing roughly 2.2 million students had confirmed they'd passed the resolution. That's 40 percent of all Texas districts. If your district has passed the resolution but isn't on TASA's list, please send me an email so we can include you in the count.

Tuesday, April 24, 2012

Next steps for Texas Resolution/National Resolution


We're poised to hit the 400 mark today of districts that have passed the Resolution Concerning High Stakes, Standardized Testing of Texas Public School Students. So far, we've heard from 397 school districts (plus Premier Learning Academy Charter School, the Denison Area Chamber of Commerce and the Harris County Department of Education) that have passed the resolution.

Those districts represent nearly 2 million Texas schoolchildren.

As that number continues to grow, we're encouraging districts to take some additional steps to keep the momentum going. Here are some ideas:
  • Contact your lawmakers. Send a copy of your board's signed resolution to members of the Texas House and Senate that represent your district. Use the Texas Tribune's elected officials directory to find your lawmakers and get contact information.
  • Send a press release to local media outlets. TASA has created a sample press release for districts to use if they wish. Just add your district's name, the date the resolution was passed and a couple of quotes from your superintendent and/or trustees. TASA also has talking points available for media interviews if needed.
  • Reach out to your local chambers. Many districts have been partnering with chambers of commerce to talk about standardized testing. There's a natural connection here between the education and business communities and it could be very powerful to have the support of local chambers. TASA has drafted a version of the resolution for chambers and encourages district leaders to ask chamber leadership to consider it.
  • Reach out to parents. The Texas PTA is partnering with us to get information out to their councils, including a version of the resolution for PTA councils. Let your PTA groups and/or other parent groups know what's going on and encourage them to pass their own version of the resolution.
  • Encourage other districts to pass the resolution. Check out TASA's online list by region of districts that have adopted the resolution. If you're on the list but your neighbor isn't, give them a call and encourage them to join the effort. You may also consider meeting with superintendents in your county or region and sending a letter to lawmakers that outlines your concern with the current accountability system. Bexar County's superintendents recently sent a letter to members of the Texas House and Senate with signatures from all 15 Bexar County superintendents. Read about it here.
Also, Diane Ravitch wrote about the resolution once again in her blog in Education Week. Her post today is about a national resolution drafted by a group of education, civil rights and children's issues organizations and inspired by our Texas resolution. The National Testing Resolution calls on governors, legislatures and state boards of education to re-examine their accountability systems, reduce their reliance on standardized tests, and increase their support for public schools.